Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia: the Master of ... · Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia: the Master of the Years 1486–1487, the Master of the Gießmannsdorf Polyptych - [PDF Document] (2024)

  • Journal of Art Historiography Number 22 June 2020

    Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia: the

    Master of the Years 1486–1487, the Master of the

    Gießmannsdorf Polyptych and Wilhelm Kalteysen

    von Oche

    Agnieszka Patała

    On 30 October 1810, the dissolution of almost all monasteriesand, by consequence,

    the secularisation of church property in the Kingdom of Prussia,which at that time

    included Silesia, was imposed by virtue of the edict ofFrederick William III (Edikt

    zur Aufhebung der geistlichen Stifte und Klöster).1 As a resultof this edict, and under

    the watchful supervision of Johann Gustav Gottlieb Büsching2 asrepresentative of

    the Central Secularisation Commission (Königlicher PreussischerCommisarius zur

    Übernahme der Bibliotheken, Archive und Kunstsachen in denaufgehobenen Klöstern

    Schlesiens), valuable collections of books, documents and artbegan arriving in

    Breslau (today Wrocław), including numerous examples of SilesianGothic sculpture

    and painting.3 Initially, these artworks were stored in theformer monastery of the

    Canons Regular on Sand Island, which in 1815 became the home ofthe Royal

    Museum of Art and Antiquities (Königliches Museum für Kunst undAlterthümer).4

    Thereafter, objects would be distributed among other newlyestablished museums

    in Breslau. The edict by Frederick William III surely led to thedestruction and

    devastation of countless valuable Silesian artworks andmonuments; but on the

    other hand, it resulted in Breslau becoming the centre forresearch on the art of this

    region.5 The year 1810 can thus be considered the starting pointfor methodical 1 The edict was proclaimed in Silesia in November1810, see: Marek Derwich, ‘The

    dissolution edict of the Prussian king Frederick William III of30 October 1810: edition and

    translation’, in: Marek Derwich, ed., Kasaty klasztorów naobszarze dawnej Rzeczypospolitej

    Obojga Narodów i na Śląsku na tle procesów sekularyzacyjnych wEuropie = Dissolutiones

    monasteriorum in Re Publica Utriusque Nationis et Silesiasitorum ad processus Europaeae

    saecularisationis relata, Vol. 2: Kasaty na Śląsku Pruskim i naziemiach zaboru pruskiego =

    Dissolutiones in Silesia Borussica ac terris a Borussisoccupatis actae, Wrocław: Wrocławskie

    Towarzystwo Miłośników Historii, 2014, 22. 2 Marek Hałub, JohannGustav Büsching 1783-1829. Ein Beitrag zur Begründung derschlesischen

    Kulturgeschichte, Wrocław: Wydawnictwo UniwersytetuWrocławskiego, 1997. 3 Hans Seger, ‘Geschichte des ehemaligenMuseums schlesischer Altertümer’, Schlesiens

    Vorzeit in Bild undSchrift. Zeitschrift des Vereins für dasMuseum Schlesischer Altertümer, Neue

    Folge, 1, 1900, 1-24. 4 Idis Brigit Hartmann, ‘Die BreslauerMuseen 1810-1945’, Berichte und Forschungen, 5, 1997,

    103; Zofia Bandurska, ‘Królewskie Muzeum Sztuki iStarożytności’, in: Piotr Łukaszewicz

    (ed.), Muzea sztuki w dawnym Wrocławiu, Wrocław: Muzeum Narodowewe Wrocławiu, 1998,

    11-24. 5 Hans Tintelnot, ‘Kunstforschung in Breslau’,Zeitschrift für Ostforschung, 2, 1953 (Festschrift

    für Dagobert Frey zum 70. Geburtstag), 491-506.

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    scholarly interest in Silesian artistic production, includinglocal Late Gothic

    sculpture and painting, which will be the focus of thispaper.

    Throughout the nineteenth century and into the beginning of thetwentieth

    century, research on Silesian Gothic art was conducted along twolines. On one

    hand, it dealt with cataloguing and expanding museum collectionsin Wrocław

    (formerly Breslau), along with documenting numerous objectsstill located in

    Silesian churches and private residences.6 Art historians thenfocused on artistic

    values of the collected works, their iconography and state ofpreservation, with far

    less attention given to the genesis of their formal andstylistic features and to the

    original structure of preserved elements. On the other hand,very extensive and

    thorough research was conducted in archives, which establishedthe names of more

    than 150 artists active in Silesia between 1340 and 1520.7Although most were

    referred to as Maler – a catch-all term that often precludedtheir actual fields of

    expertise8 – in some cases the abundance of archival resourcesfacilitated creating

    extended professional profiles for particular craftsmen coveringtheir origin, career

    development, number and identity of wives and apprentices,precise workshop

    location and other details concerning their public and sociallife. Paradoxically

    however, until the publication in 2004 of newly discoveredcontracts from Neisse

    (today Nysa),9 it had remained impossible to definitively linkany preserved painted

    or sculpted artwork with any of these known artists’ names.

    6 Hermann Luchs, Romanische und gotische Stilproben aus Breslauund Trebnitz: eine kurze

    Anleitung zur Kenntnis der bildenden Künste des Mittelalters,zunächst Schlesiens, Breslau:

    Eduard Trewendt, 1859; Hermann Luchs, Die Denkmäler der St.Elisabeth-Kirche zu Breslau,

    Breslau: Ferdinand Hirt, 1860; Catalog der Sammlungen vonMeisterwerken der Industrie und

    Kunst des Instituts Minutoli zu Liegnitz, vol. 2: Sammlungen vonWerken der Kunst, Skulptur und

    Malerei und Nachträge, Berlin 1873; Eugen Kalesse, Führer durchdie Sammlungen des Museums

    Schlesischer Altertümer, Breslau: Nischkowsky, 1883; Hanslu*tsch, Verzeichnis der

    Kunstdenkmäler der Provinz Schlesien, 5 vols., Breslau: Korn,1886–1903. 7 Hermann Luchs, ‘Bildende Künstler in Schlesien nachNamen und Monogrammen’,

    Zeitschrift des Verein für Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens,5: 1, 1863, 1–56; Alwin Schultz,

    Urkundliche Geschichte der Breslauer Maler-Innung in den Jahren1345 bis 1523, Breslau: J. Kern,

    1866; Alwin Schultz, ‘Die Breslauer Maler des 16. Jahrhunderts’,Zeitschrift des Vereins für

    Geschichte und Altertums Schlesiens, 8, 1867, 352–402; EwaldWernicke, ‘Schweidnitzer Maler

    von 1377 an’, Schlesiens Vorzeit in Bild und Schrift, 2: 12,1875, 263-268; Ewald Wernicke,

    ‘Urkundliche Beiträge zur Künstlergeschichte Schlesiens’,Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen

    Vorzeit, Neue Folge, 22: 4, 1876, 108–112; 22: 5, 1876, 145–149;Ewald Wernicke, ‘Urkundliche

    Beiträge zur Künstlergeschichte Schlesiens, II. Görlitz, 1.Maler und Bildschnitzer’, Anzeiger für

    Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, Neue Folge, 23: 5, 1876, 137–144;23: 6, 1876, 168–170; Ewald

    Wernicke, ‘Urkundliche Beiträge zur KünstlergeschichteSchlesiens, III. Liegnitz’, Anzeiger

    für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, Neue Folge, 24, 1877, 293–300;Ewald Wernicke, ‘Bildende

    Künstler des Mittelalters in Liegnitz’, Schlesiens Vorzeit inBild und Schrift, 3, 1878, 251–267. 8 Jan von Bonsdorff,Kunstproduktion und Kunstverbreitung im Ostseeraum desSpätmittelalters,

    Helsinki: Suomen muinaismuistoyhdistys, 1993, 29. 9 Adam S.Labuda, ‘Das Zeugnis der Künstlerischen Form – das Zeugnis derSchriftquellen.

    Auf den Spuren der Schöpfer des Breslauer St.-Barbara-Altars unddes ehemaligen

    Hochaltars der Jakobskirche in Neisse’, in: Jiří Fajt, MarkusHörsch, eds., Vom Weichen über

    den Schönen Stil zur Ars Nova. Neue Beiträge zur europäischenKunst zwischen 1350 und 1470,

    Wien, Köln, Weimar: Böhlau, 2018 (Studia JagiellonicaLipsiensia, Bd. 19), 267–298.

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    Figure 1 Exhibition of the Medieval Silesian Art, Four DomesPavilion in Breslau, 1926. Instytut Sztuki Państwowej

    Akademii Nauk w Warszawie.

    This impasse, omnipresent in research on the art and the guildartists in

    medieval European towns, was reflected in the exhibition ofmedieval Silesian art

    (Schlesische Malerei und Plastik des Mittelalters) organised in1926 by Heinz Braune

    and Erich Wiese in Breslau (fig. 1). This enormous and ratherbackbreaking

    undertaking, which would be impossible to repeat in our day, wascomplemented

    by an extensive catalogue, published in 1929, concluding morethan three years of

    research, preservation work and fieldwork.10 The cataloguesummarised the current

    state of knowledge of Silesian Gothic art, including thedescription of all exhibits,

    arranged on a chronological basis, and included the new taxonomyof local artistic

    production. In order to handle and classify the presentedobjects, Braune and Wiese,

    along with accepting some soubriquets already in use,11 broughtseveral anonymous

    masters into further focus by providing them names taken fromthe most significant

    artwork attributed to them (in the curators’ opinion). Theiroeuvres were then

    expanded with additional stylistically related works, whichestablished, in

    consequence, the model of classification of Silesian late Gothicart that remains in

    use today.

    This paper aims to present consequences, based on two selectedexamples, of

    the long-term application and development of the model createdin 1926 (and then

    perpetuated in the catalogue from 1929), including itsconstruction of unrealistically

    10 Heinz Braune, Erich Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastikdes Mittelalter. Kritischer Katalog

    der Ausstellung in Breslau 1926, Leipzig: Alfred Kröner Verlag,1929. 11 Such as Master of St. Barbara Altarpiece (Meister desBarbara-Altars) or Master of the

    Altarpiece of canon Helentreuter (Meister desHelentreuter-Altars).

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    large and diverse oeuvres for particular anonymous artists asthe result of

    inconsistent formal, stylistic and geographical criteria ofattribution, along with

    upholding a myth of talented, diversely-skilled individuals ableto execute highly

    complex artworks, in place of comprehensive research on thedivision of labour in

    Silesian workshops. The greater probability will be presentedhere that the artists

    were in fact working collaboratively and collectively, and, incertain cases that will

    be analysed, as identifiable individuals. Another aim here is toanalyse

    consequences of the archival discovery that permitted scholarsto identify the so-

    called Master of the St. Barbara Altarpiece with WilhelmKalteysen von Oche. As it

    has turned out, uncovering the name of a previously anonymousartist may

    generate many additional questions rather than providelong-anticipated answers.

    Among several circ*mstances that determined the scope, shape andimpact

    of the medieval Silesian art exhibition in Breslau in 1926, atleast two factors merit

    consideration. Firstly, the undertaking in question wasorganised under the aegis of

    the Silesian Museum of Fine Arts in Breslau (Schlesisches Museumfür bildende Künste)

    – one of the most important cultural institutions in Silesia,which gradually gained

    recognition outside the region and internationally under theadministration of

    Heinz Braune (1919–1928) and Erich Wiese (1929–1933), theexhibition curators.12

    Whether the prestige of the institution influenced the scale ofand positive publicity

    about the exhibition or vice versa remains difficult todetermine. Nevertheless,

    enthusiastic reviews were published, including those in theZeitschrift für bildende

    Kunst, Der Cicerone and The Burlington Magazine,13 andcontributed to the

    acquaintance of European scholars with numerous examples ofSilesian Gothic art

    and to the acknowledgement of research results achieved in largepart by Erich

    Wiese.

    Secondly, in the 1920s and 1930s, the artistic output ofmedieval and early

    modern workshops in the eastern provinces of German lands,including Silesia, was

    perceived as provincial and was explored, therefore, mostly byresearchers at local

    universities, in the vein of regionally-oriented‘Kunstwissenschaft‘.14 In order to

    circumvent disparities in reception that prevailed at the timesome efforts were

    made to provide connections linking ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ art.These tendencies

    were reflected both in the exhibition, which portrayed thediversity and

    sumptuousness of local artistic production (fig. 2), and in theexhibition catalogue,

    which came out just before Ostforschung currents could no longerbe ignored in

    broader academic and museum circles.15

    12 Tintelnot, Kunstforschung in Breslau, 497. 13 Ernst Kloss,‘Schlesische Kunst des Mittelalters auf der AusstellungBreslau-Scheitnig‘, Der

    Cicerone. Halbmonatsschrift für Künstler, Kunstfreunde undSammler, 18: 18, 1926, 589-605; Ernst

    Buchner, ’Schlesische Malerei und Plastik des Mittelalters.Ausstellung in Breslau (August-

    October 1926)’, Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst, 60: 8,1926-1927, 184-193; William George

    Constable, ‘Medieval Silesian Art’, The Burlington Magazine forConnoisseurs, 55, 1929, 147. 14 Beate Störtkuhl, ‘Paradigmen undMethoden der kunstgeschichtlichen „Ostforschung” –

    der „Fall” Dagobert Frey’, in: Robert Born, Alena Janatková,Adam S. Labuda, eds., Die

    Kunsthistoriographien in Ostmitteleuropa und der nationaleDiskurs, Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag

    2004, (Humboldt-Schriften zur Kunst- und Bildgeschichte I), 159.15 Störtkuhl, ‘Paradigmen und Methoden’, 160.

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    Figure 2 Exhibition of the Medieval Silesian Art, Four DomesPavilion in Breslau, 1926. Instytut Sztuki Państwowej

    Akademii Nauk w Warszawie.

    Newly-labelled anonymous Silesian masters were fashioned outof

    particularly ductile materials, allowing researchers who becametheir ‘fathers’ – in

    most cases, Erich Wiese – to shape these new historical figures,or bring attention

    back to overlooked ones, based solely on data gathered andassumptions derived

    from the analysis of preserved objects. This procedure involvedfollowing a research

    path – one which remains very popular in our day – based onselecting, ex cathedra,

    what is deemed the best, most important artwork of an anonymousartist, which

    taken to constitute that artist’s highest, most significantachievement. In then

    determining his oeuvre, subsequent objects were chosen andanalysed in terms of

    their formal and stylistic similarities with that core work. TheSilesian Gothic art

    that has been preserved has thus been handled and classified bygrouping objects

    into smaller constellations, at the hearts of which monumentalaltarpieces were

    typically positioned. Names for the newly-established mastershave been invented

    at the same time, taken from the core works selected, such asthe Master of the

    Gießmannsdorf Polyptych (Meister des Gießmannsdorfer Altars),16the Master of the

    Guhrau Passion (Meister der Guhrauer Passion),17 the BreslauMaster of the St. Mary

    Altar in the St. Elisabeth Church (Breslauer Meister desMarienaltars in St. Elisabeth),18

    16 Braune, Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik, 65-67. 17Braune, Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik, 59, 96. 18 Braune,Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik, 38.

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    Master of the St. Luke Altar (Meister des Lukasaltars),19 Masterof the Schweidnitz

    Altar (Meister des Schweidnitzer Altars).20

    Braune, while providing brief profiles of these restored-to-lifeartists,

    including main characteristics of their oeuvres, theirbackgrounds, training,

    workshop structures and origins of analysed stylistic and formalfeatures, also

    strove to put the masters and their art in a wider context byindicating references to

    ‘Western’ as well as regional art. In some respects, he alsoimplemented the category

    of Volkstümlichkeit, which was very popular in the 1930s.21 Whatis more, these

    anonymous masters, just emerging from oblivion, were portrayedas the most

    talented artists in their workshops, with their personalengagement in the execution

    of specific artworks determining the artistic value of thoseworks. This approach

    was consequential in the implementation of a widely acceptedmodel of arranging

    artworks in a hierarchy based on the involvement of that masterin the process of

    their production: master, master with workshop, workshop,circle, etc. This was

    meant to assess the artistic quality of artworks, and the degreeof similarity they

    held to the core work attributed to that master. This rathertailored model of

    research, commonly accepted at that time and then applied byWiese in his later

    publications devoted to the art of Spiš,22 has determined aquite durable framework

    on which the foundations of the taxonomy of late Gothic Silesianart are still based

    today.

    The Breslau Master of 1486/87 (Breslauer Meister von 1486/87),currently

    referred to in Polish literature as the Master of the Years1486–1487,23 has turned out

    to be one of the preeminent figures among Silesian Gothicpainters brought into the

    canon in 1926. According to the exhibition catalogue from 1929,oeuvre of his

    workshop comprised three sets of painted altar wings from theChurch of BVM (the

    convent church of the Canons Regular) in Breslau (1485–1487),Saints Peter and Paul

    in Striegau (Strzegom, 1486–1487, fig. 3) and the parish churchin Neumarkt (1478),

    the preserved fragment of an altar wing from Breslau featuringChrist at the

    winepress (1480/1490), at least four epitaphs from Breslau andSchweidnitz

    (Świdnica), and several additional artworks regarded as relatedto this artistic circle,

    to varying degrees.24 Even though Wiese was not particularlyenthusiastic about the

    master’s artistic achievements, calling his manner ‘dry andwooden’, he devoted

    some attention to them nonetheless, discerning in his paintingslocal artistic features

    as well as foreign ones, related to Michael Wolgemut’s workshopin Nuremberg.

    This led the researcher to a simple deduction that Master of theYears 1486–1487

    was a Silesian painter who had extended his training byjourneying to Nuremberg,

    then after his return operating in Breslau and havingsignificant impact on local

    19 Braune, Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik, 61-62. 20Braune, Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik, 41-43. 21 DušanBuran, ‘Oskar Schürer und Erich Wiese zu Meister Paul vonLeutschau. Inhalt –

    Rhetorik – Kontext’, in: Robert Born, Alena Janatková, Adam S.Labuda, eds., Die

    Kunsthistoriographien in Ostmitteleuropa und der nationaleDiskurs, Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag

    2004, (Humboldt-Schriften zur Kunst- und Bildgeschichte I), 402.22 Buran, ‘Oskar Schürer’, 396-408. 23 Anna Ziomecka, ‘Malarstwotablicowe na Śląsku’, in: Adam S. Labuda, Krystyna

    Secomska, eds., Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce, vol. 1, Warszawa:DiG, 2004, 239. 24 Braune, Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik,89-90.

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    artists. Yet this vision of an anonymous master, trained abroad,with the talent and

    experience to play a dominant role in his workshop and whoseapprentices were

    only allowed to follow his path, has not proven very useful.

    More recent studies have clearly revealed that the name ‘Masterof the Years

    1486-1487’ implies a collection if not only a collective ofpainters: well-organised,

    efficient and mobile, resorting to a consistent, limitedrepertoire of motifs that they

    reconfigured and repeated with only minor modifications,operating not necessarily

    within a single workshop, cooperating with different groups ofsculptors and

    therefore able to execute large, prestigious commissions both inparallel and within

    a short period of time.25 Scholars have attributed to theseanonymous artists at least

    nine sets of painted polyptych wings from churches in Ottensoos(1470s),26

    Neumarkt (1478), Halle (1488),27 Breslau (1485–148728 and latefifteenth century29),

    25 Ziomecka, ‘Malarstwo tablicowe’, 238-241; Robert Suckale,‘Probleme um den “Meister

    von 1486”’, in: Katja Bernhardt, Piotr Piotrwski, eds., Grenzenüberwindend. Festschrift für

    Adam S. Labuda zum 60. Geburtstag, Berlin: Lukas Verlag, 2006,212-222; Robert Suckale, Die

    Erneuerung der Malkunst vor Dürer, Petersberg: Michael ImhofVerlag, 2009, vol. 1, 247-256;

    Agnieszka Patała, Pod znakiem świętego Sebalda. Rola Norymbergiw kształtowaniu

    późnogotyckiego malarstwa tablicowego na Śląsku, Wrocław: ViaNova, 2018, 201-245. 26 Suckale, ‘Probleme um’, 215. Robert Suckaleused two alternative names of the master,

    namely: ‘Meister der Jahreszahlen’ (Master of the Years) and‘Meister des Ulrichsretabels’

    (Master of St. Ulrich Retable). 27 Suckale, ‘Probleme um’,219-221. 28 Bożena Guldan-Klamecka, Anna Ziomecka, Sztuka na ŚląskuXII – XVI w., Wrocław:

    Muzeum Narodowe we Wrocławiu, 2003, 332; Patała, Pod znakiem,211-213, 231-245. 29 Adam S. Labuda, K. Secomska, eds., Malarstwogotyckie w Polsce, Warszawa: DiG, 2004, vol.

    2, 296-297.

    Figure 3 Master of the Years 1486-1487,

    Presentation of Jesus at the Temple, painted

    wing of the Poliptych from Strzegom ,

    1486-1487. Tempera and oil on panel, 170

    x 148 cm. Warszawa: Muzeum

    Narodowe. Piotr Ligier.

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    Striegau (1486–1487), Lüssen (Lusina, 1490s),30 Schweidnitz(1492),31 Dittmannsdorf

    (Dziećmorowice, 1511)32, as well as four epitaphs33 and astill-venerated devotional

    panel from Schweidnitz.34

    The body of works listed above, very consistent in terms ofstyle, was

    commissioned by representatives of two separate, heterogeneoussocial groups: the

    burghers of Breslau, Striegau and Schweidnitz, and the religiouscommunities of the

    Canons Regular (Breslau), the Order of St. John (Breslau,Striegau) and the Servite

    Order (Halle). This fact confirms the recognition theseanonymous artists received

    in Silesia and outside the region, while at the same time makingany definitive

    determination of the location and functioning of their workshopor workshops

    almost impossible.

    The name of the Breslau Master of 1486/87, coined in 1926,encapsulates two

    implicit assumptions made by its creators that were thenreplicated and presented

    as fact in publications that followed. The first assumptionreferred to the location of

    the master’s workshop, which he was said to run in Breslau, thushe probably

    belonged to the local painters’ guild. The second assumption isrelated to his

    30 Guldan-Klamecka, Ziomecka, Sztuka na Śląsku, 368-371. 31Magdalena Poradzisz-Cincio, ‘Chór Mieszczan w katedrze świdnickiej- późnogotycka

    kaplica Bractwa Maryjnego’, Rocznik świdnicki, 36, 2008, 26-51;Patała, Pod znakiem, 219-222,

    231-245. 32 Patała, Pod znakiem, 223-224. 33 Agnieszka Patała,ed., Migracje. Sztuka późnogotycka na Śląsku, Wrocław: Muzeum

    Narodowe we Wrocławiu, 168-169, 174-177, 180-181. 34 JacekWitkowski, ‘Domina in Sole. Świdnicki obraz Madonny zDzieciątkiem’, in: Ewa

    Chojecka et al., eds., Marmur dziejowy. Studia z historii sztukidedykowane profesor Zofii

    Ostrowskiej-Kębłowskiej, Poznań: Wydawnictwo PoznańskiegoTowarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk,

    2002, 49-52.

    Figure 4 Master of the Years 1486-1487,

    The Entombment of Christ, painted wing of

    the Poliptych from Strzegom, 1486-1487.

    Tempera and oil on panel, 170 x 148 cm.

    Warszawa: Muzeum Narodowe. Piotr

    Ligier.

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    ultimate achievement: the polyptych from the parish church inStriegau, where the

    dates 1486 and 1487 remain visible in its preserved paintedwings (fig. 4). Thus, for

    many years, no consideration was given to the possibility thatwe are dealing with a

    group of itinerant artists, operating outside the local guildstructures, probably

    owing to the protection of the Silesian clergy. Only recentlyhave publications by

    Robert Suckale presented some ideas and arguments in support ofthis alternative

    scenario.35 Suckale has proven that painters active in theworkshop of the Master of

    the Years 1486–1487 (he uses the term Master of the Years:‘Meister der Jahreszahlen’)

    were trained in Nuremberg in the circle of Hans Pleydenwurff,and after that

    painter’s death in 1472, they travelled east from Nuremberg insearch of new clients.

    Before arriving in Silesia, they executed painterly works inOttensoos and

    Neumarkt.

    Their first commission in Silesia involved participation in workon the

    retable for the church of the Canons Regular in Breslau from1485 to 1487. Almost

    simultaneously, in 1486 and 1487, they worked on the paintedwings of the

    altarpiece in Striegau, and in 1488 finished their works for thechurch of the Servite

    Order in Halle. Suckale has attributed the latter panels to aseparate group of artists,

    giving the name of the Master of the St. Ulrich Retable(‘Meister des Ulrichsretabels’)

    to their leader, though they were trained in the same Nurembergcircle and used the

    same patterns.36 This hypothesis would seem justifiable if notfor the striking

    compositional and stylistic similarities between the wings atHalle and paintings

    attributed to the Master of the Years 1486–1487 from the parishchurch in

    Schweidnitz (fig. 5).

    35 Suckale, ‘Probleme um’; Suckale, Die Erneuerung, vol. 1,247-256; Robert Suckale, ‚Die

    Bekehrung des Paulus, ein verschollenes Bild aus dem UmkreisHans Siebenbürgers‘, in:

    Livia Varga (et al.), eds., Bonum ut Pulchrum. Essays in Art.History in Honour of Erno Marosi on

    His Seventieth Birthday, Budapest, 2010, 323-332. 36 Suckale,Die Erneuerung, vol. 1, 252-253.

    Figure 5 Master of the Years 1486-1487, St.

    Liberius, St. Erasmus, St. Sebastian, St. Roch,

    St. Makary, St. Jodocus, St. Anthony, St.

    Onuphrius, wings of the closed Polytych

    from Świdnica, 1492. Tempera and oil on

    panel, 370 x 101 cm (one wing). Świdnica:

    katedra św. św. Wacława i Stanisława.

    Agnieszka Patała.

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    Did the group of artists in question split in order to finishthe artworks

    mentioned above? Or did they work in a one large workshop,either in Breslau or in

    Schweidnitz, finishing several commissions almost at the sametime? There are no

    answers to these questions. Certainly, however, the hypothesisformulated by

    Suckale, who regarded the artists under discussion who wereactive in Silesia (the

    Master of the Years) as doppelgangers of those responsible forpaintings at

    Neumarkt and Halle (the Master of the St. Ulrich Retable), canseem an unnecessary

    multiplication of conventional entities. A historical-artisticconstruct such as the

    Master of the Years 1486–1487 requires depersonalisation andrecognition as a term

    defining a group of artworks marked by common formal, stylistic,compositional

    and technological features, closely related to the Franconianartistic tradition and

    executed by entrepreneurial, well-organised, probably mobilegroups of artists.

    By inventing the name and identity of another anonymous masteractive in

    Silesia, the Master of the Gießmannsdorf Polyptych, Erich Wiesecreated another

    artist, who then turned out to be the most important figure insubsequent research,

    ongoing in our day, on late Gothic sculpted and painted wingedaltarpieces

    executed for churches in northwest Silesia – an area that hadremained beyond

    academic interest until 1929.37 Based on the analysis of thepentaptych from the

    Church of St. Catherine in Gießmannsdorf (Gościeszowice, fig. 6)and other

    artworks formally and stylistically related to it, includingworks from Kunzendorf

    (Chichy, fig. 7) and Kunau (Konin Żagański), Wiese formulated anopinion that

    within the former Duchy of Sagan (Żagań), between the 1490s andthe second

    decade of the sixteenth century, a workshop operated, probablylocated in the town

    of Sagan, led by a master trained in Wrocław in the workshop ofthe Master of the

    Years 1486–1487, who was acquainted with the works of MichaelWolgemut and

    indirectly with the oeuvre of Martin Schongauer. He was assumedto be both a

    painter and a sculptor, and was held responsible for more than adozen altarpieces

    from Silesia, Neumark and Lusatia.

    Figure 6 Master of the Polyptych from Gieβmannsdorf, Legend ofSt. Catherine, first opening of the Polyptych from

    Gościeszowice, 1505. Tempera and oil on panel, 200 x 81 cm (onewing). Gościeszowice: kościół św. Katarzyny

    Aleksandryjskiej. Scan after: Agnieszka Patała, Rola Norymergi wkształtowaniu późnogotyckiego malarstwa tablicowego

    na Śląsku, Wrocław: Via Nova, 2018, plate 217.

    37 Braune, Wiese, Schlesische Malerei und Plastik, 65–67.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    11

    Figure 7 Master of the Polyptych from Gieβmannsdorf, Polyptychfrom Chichy, second opening, 1512. Lime, pine,

    tempera, oil, gold, 170 x 143 (the shrine). Chichy: kościół św.Jana Chrzciciela. Agnieszka Patała.

    Based on those findings, Polish and German researchers thensystematically

    enlarged the oeuvre attributed to the workshop, which todaycomprises at least

    twenty altarpieces.38 The assumption that the Master of theGießmannsdorf

    Polyptych was responsible for the most artistically-accomplishedpainted and

    carved sections of the retables resulted in consistency in thecriteria of those

    attributions. In some cases, the workshop’s oeuvre has beenconstructed based on

    the analysis of the painted wings.39 In others, the basis wasformed from stylistic

    38 See: Ziomecka, ‘Malarstwo tablicowe’, 237-249; AgnieszkaPatała, ‘Die Tätigkeit des

    Meisters des Gießmannsdorfer Altars im nordwestlichen Schlesienum 1496–1520‘, in: Peter

    Knüvener, Werner Ziems (ed.), Flügelaltäre um 1515 – Höhepunktemittelalterlicher Kunst in

    Brandenburg und in den Nachbarregionen, Berlin 2016(Arbeitshefte des Brandenburgischen

    Landesamtes für Denkmalpflege und Archäologisches Landesmuseum,42, 2016), 48-64. 39 Selected works: Michał Walicki, ‘Poliptykkaliski na tle problemu „Mistrza ołtarza z

    Giessmanndorf”’, Przegląd Historii Sztuki, 2: 1-2, 1931 Kraków,81-98; Zygmunt Świechowski,

    ‘Malowidła ołtarzy kaliskiego, kościańskiego i sulechowskiego natle problemu mistrza z

    Gościszowic’, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki i Kultury, 11: ¾, 1949,233-255; Jakub Kostowski, Pictura

    docet. Uwagi o programach obrazowych kilku ołtarzy pochodzącychz warsztatu Mistrza Ołtarza z

    Gościszowic, in Stanisław Rosik, Przemysław Wiszewski (ed.),Imago narrat. Obraz jako

    komunikat w społeczeństwach europejskich, Wrocław: WydawnictwoUniwersytetu

    Wrocławskiego, 2002 (Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis, 2478),137-162; Ziomecka,

    ‘Malarstwo tablicowe’, 237-249.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    12

    similarities of sculpture and carved parts.40 Sometimes, whenanalysing the

    sculpture, paintings served as reference material, and viceversa.41 As a result, the

    body of artworks attributed to the Master of the GießmannsdorfPolyptych forms a

    very heterogeneous group of artworks, sometimes conjoined by avague common

    denominator, within which artistically inferior works or thosediffering in terms of

    formal and stylistic features are automatically regarded as theresults of other

    contributors’ participation – typically assistants andfollowers.

    This fact can be considered as another consequence of the moderninvention

    of the artist’s name, implying that we deal with a single masterleading a group of

    workshop apprentices who were occasionally permitted tocooperate directly, as

    that sole master was, according to modern criteria, the mosttalented artist. For

    decades, that assumption has obscured the fact that the group ofaltarpieces

    attributed to the Master of the Gießmannsdorf Polyptych was,again, the result of

    the work of an artistic collective of painters and sculptors,not necessarily operating

    within any single workshop, some of whom were immigrantsassociated with the

    Nuremberg workshop of Michael Wolgemut and who had participated,under the

    auspices of the Master of the Years 1486-1487, in the productionin Breslau of the

    painted altarpiece wings from the Church of BVM.42 Afterfinishing that

    commission, they probably moved to Sagan, where they found ahaven in the local

    monastery of the Canons Regular.43 This appears to be the mostreasonable

    explanation for such prolific masters remaining absent inarchival resources of the

    local municipalities of Sagan, Sprottau (Szprotawa) and Glogau(Głogów). During

    that same period, the chronicle of the Canons Regular in Żagańcontains several

    references to the activity in the 1490s of at least threeartists within the monastery

    walls.44

    The anonymous artists in question, owing to their effectiveorganisation of

    work, division of labour and intensive exploitation of limitedresources through

    frequently-repeated compositional patterns and facials, wereable year after year to

    create – almost to mass-produce – consecutively painted andcarved pentaptychs for

    town and village churches located in the territory of northwestSilesia. This is the

    only adequate explanation of how these artists managed toproduce in only three

    years at least five large-scale altarpieces: at Gieβmannsdorf(1505), Ebersdorf

    (Dzikowice, 1505–1506), Kunau (1506–1507), Kościan (1507) andWeichau (Wichów,

    1506–1508). However, those years were not their only period ofintensified activity.

    Furthermore, in the course of scholarly research, several workshave been

    distinguished within this purported master’s oeuvre that frompresent-day

    40 Anna Ziomecka, ‘Śląskie retabula szafowe w drugiej połowie XVi na początku XVI

    wieku’, Roczniki Sztuki Śląskiej, 10, 1976, 60-63. 41 DanutaBiernacka, ’Warsztat rzeźbiarski Mistrza z Gościszowic’,Zielonogórskie Zeszyty

    Muzealne, 1, 1969, 49-85; Ewa Marxen-Wolska, ‘Mistrz PoliptykuKaliskiego’, Teka Komisji

    Historii Sztuki Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, 6, 1976(Towarzystwo Naukowe w

    Toruniu, Prace Wydziału Filologicznego, 26: 2), 163-274. 42Guldan-Klamecka, Ziomecka, Sztuka śląska, 330-332. 43 Patała, ‘DieTätigkeit‘, 54-56. 44 ‘Catalogus abbatum Saganensium‘, in: GustavAdolf Harald Stenzel, ed., Scriptores rerum

    silesiacarum oder Sammlung schlesischer Geschichtsschreiber, vol1, Breslau: Max, 1835, 398, 402,

    403, 412.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    13

    perspectives seem more artistically accomplished and moremonumental than the

    Gieβmannsdorf polyptych, such as the painted wings from Kalisz(1510, fig. 8),45

    which adds additional emphasis to the conventionality of relyingon a single

    master’s name.

    Figure 3 Master of the Polyptych from Gieβmannsdorf, Polyptychfrom Kalisz, first opening, ca. 1510. Tempera and

    oil on panel, 257 x 97 (one wing). Kalisz: kolegiataWniebowzięcia Najświętszej Marii Panny. Agnieszka Patała

    Besides, there have even been some voices postulating thecorrection or

    change of that single name of attribution.46 As regards thecentury-long history and

    tradition of research on the activity of the Master of theGieβmannsdorf Polyptych,

    however, introducing alternative names would only disrupt thealready vague

    image. A more justified approach is to deal with the term‘Master of the

    Gieβmannsdorf Polyptych’ as a concept that can help inclassifying the preserved

    artworks by providing the description of a set of formal,stylistic and technological

    features that characterise a certain group of altarpieces, theproduction of which

    cannot be confined exclusively to the activity of either asingle artistic individuality

    or a single workshop. It is, rather, a micro-history of asubstantial group of

    anonymous artists, who left behind a group of polyptychsrelatively coherent

    stylistically, but which do not form any single creationalmonolith.

    45 Jakub Kostowski, ‘Poliptyk kaliski’, in: Gerard Kucharski,Jacek Plota (ed.), Kolegiata kaliska

    na przestrzeni wieków 1303 – 2003. Materiały z konferencjinaukowej, Kalisz: Sanktuarium

    Świętego Józefa, 2004, 195-220. 46 Marxen-Wolska, ‘MistrzPoliptyku’.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    14

    Figure 9 Wilhelm Kalteysen von Oche, St. Barbara Polyptych,second opening, 1447. Tempera and oil on panel, 203 x

    260 cm (central panel), Warszawa: Muzeum Narodowe (centralpanel, wings missing). Scan after: Heinz Braune,

    Konrad Hahm, Schlesien in Farbenphotographie, vol. I, Berlin:Carl Weller, 1923, plate 23.

    The so-called Master of the St. Barbara Altarpiece, identifiedsince 2004 as

    Wilhelm Kalteysen von Oche (‘from Aachen’),47 had been thelongest-lived

    conception of an anonymous master in the history of Gothic panelpainting in

    Silesia, a conception already designed by the end of thenineteenth century48 – while

    at the same time being the only medieval Silesian painter whoseidentity, long held

    to be anonymous, has now been established beyond reasonabledoubt. His case,

    notwithstanding archival findings and this master’s indisputablyhigh position

    among regional artists, reflected in prestigious commissions andin subsequent

    scholarly interest,49 clearly demonstrates that establishing theidentity of a

    workshop’s master – the seldom-accomplished dream of many arthistorians – may

    in fact raise new doubts and additional questions rather thanproviding long-

    anticipated answers. The eponymous work attributed to him, theSt. Barbara

    polyptych originating from St. Barbara’s Church in Breslau(1447, fig. 9), is regarded 47 Ewa Wółkiewicz, ‘Twórcy retabulum wkościele św. Jakuba w Nysie. W kwestii

    wyposażenia wnętrz kościelnych w połowie XV wieku’, KwartalnikHistorii i Kultury

    Materialnej, 52: 4, 2004, 453-457. 48 Henry Thode, DieMalerschule von Nürnberg im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert in ihrerEntwicklung

    bis auf Dürer, Frankfurt am Main, 1891, 83-91. Thode referred tohim ‘Der Breslauer Meister

    von 1447’. 49 List of literature in: Adam S. Labuda, Wrocławskiołtarz Św. Barbary i jego twórcy. Studium o

    malarstwie śląskim połowy XV wieku, Poznań: Uniwersytet AdamaMickiewicza, 1984, 5-18;

    Malarstwo gotyckie, 289-191; Till-Holger Borcher, ed., Van Eyckto Dürer. Early Netherlandish

    Painting & Central Europe 1430-1530, Tielt: LannooPublishers, 2010, 480-481; Patała, Pod

    znakiem, 87-131; Labuda, ‘Das Zeugnis’.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    15

    as among the earliest, most outstanding and path-breaking lateGothic artworks in

    Silesia, the completion of which in 1447 has been likened to theimpact of a

    meteorite’s strike.50 According to Adam S. Labuda, who hasprovided the most

    extensive analysis of the artwork and addresses the identity andbackground of its

    makers, the polyptych was executed in tandem by an artisttrained in one of the

    Upper Rhine workshops, familiar with the art of EarlyNetherlandish workshops,

    Lucas Moser and Upper German traditions, who in Silesiacollaborated with a

    painter who had probably trained in Nuremberg.51 Among severalworks attributed

    to the first of these masters, the former retable of the highaltarpiece of St. James’

    Church in Neisse (fig. 10), of which only one painted panel hasbeen preserved,

    became crucial in establishing his identity.52

    50 Wilhelm Suida, ‘Beiträge zur österreichischen Kunst derSpätgotik, Belvedere, 11, 74. 51 Labuda, ‘Das Zeugnis’. 52Aleksandra Szewczyk, Jacek Witkowski, ‘Gotycki ołtarz głównykościoła św. Jakuba w

    Nysie’, Quart, 3, 2007, 3-11; Labuda, ‘Das Zeugnis’.

    Figure 10a Wilhelm Kalteysen von Oche,

    Conversion of Hermogenes by St. James the

    Great and Agony in the Garden, obverse of

    a preserved panel of the Polyptych from

    Nysa. Tempera on panel, 182 x 104 cm.

    Wrocław: Muzeum Archidiecezjalne.

    Agnieszka Patała.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    16

    In 2004, during the query Ewa Wółkiewicz conducted inArchiwum

    Państwowe (the National Archive) in Opole, she came across threecontracts

    regarding the production of paintings for the high altarpiece ofSt. James’ Church in

    Neisse.53 The first was signed in 1451 by the church wardens(Kirchenväter) and two

    independent artists: Master Wilhelm (Kalteysen) von Oche andMaster Martin.

    Wilhelm was obliged to supervise the entire undertaking andexecute the paintings

    over the course of his temporary stays in Neisse. Martin, whoheaded a workshop

    on site in Neisse, was responsible for preparatory work,polychrome decorations

    and gilding. In 1453, after Martin’s death, his responsibilitieswere taken over by

    Master Nicolaus (according to the second contract) and then,that same year, by

    Master Vincent Kelner (according to the third contract). Thecontract contents,

    revealing arrangements from Neisse, has confirmed one ofLabuda’s main

    assumptions, as the master responsible for the execution of theSt. Barbara

    polyptych turned out to be the Rhineland native (von Oche hasbeen interpreted as

    a toponymic, referring to Aachen). Moreover, it has alsoprovided a foundation for

    re-evaluating the workshop’s oeuvre, as well as to reviewopinions on the factual

    existence and organisation of his workshop.

    Even though the path-breaking impact and artistic significanceof the St.

    Barbara polyptych from Breslau is now undisputed, the retablefrom Neisse has

    turned out to be the only proven artwork in the establishedoeuvre of Wilhelm

    53 Wółkiewicz, ‘Twórcy retabulum’.

    Figure 10b Wilhelm Kalteysen von Oche,

    Conversion of Hermogenes by St. James the

    Great and Agony in the Garden, reverse of a

    preserved panel of the Polyptych from

    Nysa. Tempera on panel, 182 x 104 cm.

    Wrocław: Muzeum Archidiecezjalne.

    Agnieszka Patała.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    17

    Kalteysen von Oche. It was also the most monumental andprestigious of his known

    commissions, as Neisse at that time was the capital of thesecular domain of the

    Prince Bishops of Breslau, and St. James’ Church functionedunder bishopric

    patronage.54 Establishing the name of Wilhelm (Kalteysen) vonOche has allowed

    scholars to identify him with ‘magistro Wilhelmo Kalteysen deAquisgrano’, who in

    1464 and 1466 was engaged in painting the organ wings in thechurch of the Canons

    Regular in Glatz (Kłodzko), and with ‘Wilhelm von Oche’ who in1496 became a

    member of the Wrocław painters’ guild.55 According to Labuda,both of these

    archival mentions, along with the fact that Wilhelm Kalteysenvon Oche did not

    devote all of his time to the execution of the Neisse retable,reveal two crucial

    characteristics of his modus operandi: his high mobility and hisoperating in large

    part outside the guild system of any specific Silesian town.56In all probability, his

    status of independent and mobile artist may have been theconsequence of his

    reputation as a foreign artist. – Labuda asserts that ‘von Oche’was added by the

    artist intentionally, to emphasise his foreign origins – and ofhigh demand for his

    services and work he was commissioned to do by influentialpatrons.

    What is more, all known archival references provide no evidenceconcerning

    Kalteysen’s workshop and its location. Actually, the contractsfrom Neisse regulated

    the collaborative effort of independently-operating paintersunder the supervision

    of Kalteysen, which means that his workshop was at that timeeither engaged into

    another project or did not exist at all, at least in acontinuous form. Moreover,

    Kalteysen’s responsibilities were limited only to painterlyworks, whereas the

    woodcarving, woodwork, metalwork and probably management overthe entire

    enterprise were the responsibilities of others. Therefore,establishing the identity of

    the anonymous Master of the St. Barbara Altarpiece has providedno answers to

    questions concerning the circ*mstances of his arrival inSilesia, his workshop’s

    location, its size and membership (if any), or the identity ofhis commissioners and

    patrons in the region. We can only presume that he eitheroperated from a

    workshop employing foreign-trained artists or, more plausiblegiven his

    achievements, that he supervised larger collaborative projectsinvolving several

    artists, as with the St. Barbara Altarpiece, while workingindependently on smaller

    jobs.

    These three cases presented above – of the Master of the Years1486–1487, the

    Master of the Gieβmannsdorf Polyptych and Wilhelm Kalteysen vonOche – clearly

    demonstrate the fact that the names for masters invented by arthistorians, in order

    to handle and classify a huge body of artworks, turned out to bemisleading and

    distorted the more plausible modus operandi of large groups ofanonymous,

    probably itinerant artists, presumably at work outside theregional guild system or

    remaining off the records of its membership. What is more, theterm ‘masters’, when

    interpreted too literally, facilitated maintaining a convenientmyth of talented and

    54 Jarosław Jarzewicz, ‘Biskupi i mieszczański – kościół św.Jakuba w Nysie’, in: Ryszard

    Hołownia, Mateusz Kapustka, eds., Nysa. Sztuka w dawnej stolicyksięstwa biskupiego,

    Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2008, 75-85. 55Alwin Schultz, ‘Analekten zur schlesischen Kunstgeschichte‘,Zeitschrift des Vereins für

    Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens, 1870-1871, 140. 56 Labuda,‘Das Zeugnis’, 280-281.

  • Agnieszka Patała Masters without Names in Medieval Silesia...

    18

    diversely-skilled individuals able to produce even very complexartworks within a

    very short period of time. It has also influenced theconstruction of unrealistically

    large and diverse oeuvres of particular anonymous artists.

    Due to the extensive history of research on late Gothic art inSilesia, changing

    the names of these anonymous artists or providing alternativeterms cannot be

    regarded an effective solution. It seems more justified todepersonalise these

    invented masters, especially the Masters of the Years 1486–1487and of the

    Gieβmannsdorf Polyptych. This can be a step in redefining thosepreviously

    established names in order to re-use them as a concept orcategory useful in the

    classification of preserved materials, as well as in denotingparticular sets of formal,

    stylistic and technological features that characterise thespecific group of artworks

    they were not necessarily solely instrumental in creating.

    Agnieszka Patała is an Assistant Professor in the Institute ofArt History, University

    of Wrocław, Poland. Her research interests include history ofmedieval painting and

    sculpture, with particular emphasis on Central European panelpaintings and

    retables. In 2018 she published her dissertation on the role ofNuremberg in the

    shaping of late Gothic panel painting in Silesia (Pod znakiemświętego Sebalda. Rola

    Norymbergi w kształtowaniu późnogotyckiego malarstwa tablicowegona Śląsku).

    [emailprotected]

    This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-

    NonCommercial 4.0 International License

    http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
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